Provincial election season is so lovely. It’s delightful that (no matter who wins) we’re going to get investment in the future, no more crime, thriving families, fairness, affordability, people with flowers in their hair, strong leadership, a bold tomorrow, investment, accountability, more small businesses, hundreds of thousands of new jobs, connected communities, clean rivers, retrained workers, dancing pink elephants, the reign of sanity returning (or continuing). And best of all, we’ll probably avoid all those other scary candidates. It makes me want to sit on my hammock, sip apple cider, watch the leaves, and in the spirit of Wodehouse say “Its October, the queen is on her throne, and all is right in the world”.
Parliamentary Haikus
openparliament.ca has a brilliant feature where their system analyzes the words spoken in parliament and finds instances where the “Haiku” pattern is followed.
Here are some gems:
–
“We must recognize
that children are poor because
their parents are poor.” — NDP MP Libby Davies in February 1998
–
“I have some good news
for those listening who may be
scared of these issues.” – Progressive Conservative MP Jean Charest in November 1997
–
“The Canadian
economy is going
along very well.” – Liberal MP George Proud in February 1998
–
“The Canadian
is long lived and still useful
at an advanced age.” – Reform MP Inky Mark in May 1999
–
“No, it was not done.
Was anything ever done?
No, nothing was done.” – Liberal MP Shawn Murphy in March 2010
–
“We can sit here, put
our heads in the sand and say
nothing will be done.” – Liberal MP Bernie Collins in February 1994
–
“The government will
continue to monitor
the situation.” – Liberal MP Lyle Vanclief in September 2001
–
“In no short order
solutions would be put forth
and implemented.” – Reform MP Keith Martin in November 1999
–
“In many respects,
we are the only adult
party in this House.” — NDP MP Peter Julian in October 2007
–
“Keep on doing that.
It will not change anything.
You are used to that.” — Bloc MP Pierre Brien in March 2002
–
“Foot and mouth disease
does not significantly
affect human health.”- Liberal MP Lyle Vanclief in April 2001
–
To find more, go here.
Why I’m Not Voting Tonight
Today is the election here in Canada. I won’t be voting. I can hear the gasps already. I’m not against voting in general, and my basic stance is that I should vote if I can sincerely get behind one of the candidates/parties.
My reasoning for not going to the voting booth this year, is basically this:
A. No party or candidate in my riding in (my opinion) seems to have a track record which indicates they will protect individual liberty and limit the size and scope of government (which is intimately tied to personal economic liberty).
B. So, then, if I were to vote, I’d be faced with voting for what, in my mind, is an unworthy party just to try and keep an ostensibly more unworthy party out.
C. Realistically speaking, the impact of my vote is small (actually, to say it is small may be an understatement), even if it were a low turnout in a small, hotly contested riding.
D. But supposing the impact of my vote were significant, I would have to weigh the positive impact of my vote working toward keeping that other party out of office with the negative impact of emboldening the less unworthy party to continue in its unworthiness and not change.
E. Also, supposing the impact of my vote were significant, I would find voting for a party I don’t really like and can’t really ultimately support on their own merits distasteful.
F. An additional complication to the things I mention is this: In Canada we do not vote directly for our Prime Minister, but rather for parliamentary representatives, the proportions of which determine the Prime Minister. So in addition to the problems outlined in D & E, we also face a potential disconnect between my support of the Prime Ministerial candidate and the other person from his party (the parliamentary rep) that I would need to vote for in order to work toward getting the correct PM into office. So in some situations one might want to vote in support of Joe Smith from the Rhino Party in the race for PM, but not support or condone John Doe (also from the Rhino Party) in his campaign to become parliamentary rep. And there is no way to separate the two. So the discerning, critical voter is often faced with that dillema.
Ultimately, you may think I’m over thinking this or having too picky of a criteria and therefore excluding everyone. But I don’t think its that. I do want to have realistic expectations of leaders, but on the other hand I believe if voting is important, it would be important to try to be consistent and make a good decision. It is in light of a desire to be consistent and vote according to my conscience that I am not voting.
Does that make one a bad citizen? I don’t think so. It’s quite ironic the way the romantic and sometimes even messianic themes come up in relation to voting. I see it as a mildly significant thing. I think it is often over inflated. The state is not our salvation. Neither is voting.
It’s quite ironic that a zealous politico could look at a man or woman who loves their spouse, cares for their family, is successful and innovative in business, faithful to their friends, faithful to their convictions, generous and involved in their church and/or other organizations and yet who doesn’t vote, and declare them as a “bad citizen” and “helping the bad party get in” and “not allowed to complain”. The thing is, this person who does all those other things and yet doesn’t vote has identified the things that are more effective than voting. They’ve identified other areas to exert their energies (areas that are far more effective in changing society and having a voice) and have done WAY more to benefit society than someone who merely voted. Voting is a small, easy thing to do and doesn’t require the dedication that these more effective society transforming things require. So why do we attach such high importance to voting often over and against them?
So I just want to stick up for non-voters and say, non-voters have a right to complain (as much as voters do) and can be good citizens (there are good and bad citizens among non-voters just like there are among voters). They have chosen to not get involved in the process for various reasons, and quite frankly, sometimes they can be very valid ones.
The Canadian Version of “Five Guys” (Short a Guy)
(also known as the Canadian electoral debates)

These debates never cease to amaze me.
Best moments from the debate.
- When Gilles Duceppe accidentally said “duck registry” instead of “gun registry“.
- “This isn’t bickering, Mr. Harper. This is democracy.“ – Michael Ignatieff
- “Mr. Harper, we’re having an election because you couldn’t tell the truth to the parliament of Canada” – Michael Ignatieff
- “You’re the first prime minister found in contempt of parliament” – Michael Ignatieff to Stephen Harper
- “The question to ask is how much costs a plane.” – Gilles Duceppe
- “How can people trust what you’re saying today when your actions are so contrary to what your offering to Canadians?” – Jack Layton to Michael Ignatieff
- “You’re Mr. Harper’s best friend and now here you are offering yourself as an alternative” – Jack Layton to Michael Ignatieff
- “Mr. Harper walked away from Africa, I want Canada back in Africa” – Michael Ignatieff
- “Why are you afraid of the Canadian people?” – Michael Ignatieff to Stephen Harper
- “Quite frankly your party is dedicated to the break up of this country” – Stephen Harper to Gilles Duceppe
- “That’s the sort of arrogant self aggrandizement we’re so used to from the liberals, and really its the least attractive aspect of your party” – Jack Layton to Michael Ignatieff
- “In fact, Mr. Harper, if it hadn’t been [Ignatieff] supporting you all this time I’d have to be lending [you] my crutch so that [your] government could have stayed in power.” – Jack Layton
- “This is a debate, Mr. Harper, this is democracy.” – Michael Ignatieff
I got a good laugh out of this, but it doesn’t inspire any hope in the current political scene.
Where’s Murray Rothbard when one needs him?
Or perhaps the Rhinoceros Party?
A New Semester
Well, a new semester is dawning. Tomorrow I begin classes. I will be taking only one class, Constitutional Law & Politics in Canada. Here is how it is described in the course calendar: “The nature and purpose of constitution and major issues in Canadian constitutional politics. Topics may include judicial review, the development of human rights law in Canada, the impact of the Charter of Rights on Canadian politics and government, and the Meech Lake and Charlottetown consititutional accords.”
Silly Statist Bills: Don't Sell Water Bottles
I know this is old news, but notice Bill 112 2008 proposed by Kuldip Kular (Ontario Liberal Party MPP in Canada).
Kular wanted to take prohibition to a whole new level. Kular’s bill suggested that the government should “prohibit the sale of single-use plastic bottles of water in Ontario”. Yes, that’s right, he wants to prohibit single-use plastic bottles of water. What a genius.
The proposed fine for the horrible menace to society of selling water bottles? $500-1,500. A second offense? $10,000-25,000.
Kular’s bill is merely another silly bill, but it reflects a pathetic and freightening attitude in government that wishes to control its subjects most minute decisions. Thankfully it was struck down. But not until it got 3 readings. I hope there was a lot of laughter, because that is about all this bill is good for. Shame on you Mr. Kular.
Social Policy Seminar 2009

Introduction
The Institute for Liberal Studies (a non-partisan liberty-minded organization promoting economics, philosophy, history and policy from a classical liberal perspective) put on a Social Policy Seminar this weekend at the University of Windsor. I attended their Windsor Liberty Seminar last year and it was fantastic (here’s my report on it).
These events provide a much needed balance to much of the intellectual and political climate of this area.
There were less people than last time around and I can’t say the topics/speakers quite blew me away to the extent they did last year. However, it was very well worth attending and the directors involved (Matt Bufton and Janet Neilson) really did a fantastic job in putting on this event.

Dan Rothschild’s Talk
Dan Rothschild spoke on the recovery after Hurricane Katrina. Dan is the associate director of the Mercatus Center’s Global Prosperity Initiative. In my opinion, this was the best presentation and also had the best discussion period as well. He presented a compelling treatment of the situation from a classical liberal perspective, and it sure didn’t hurt that he dealt with a situation that is still very fresh in our memories. Dan presented his organization’s approach, which is really quite interesting. They have been conducting economics through field work, something which economists don’t normally do. They are covering the “political economy of every day life”.
Dan’s talk was very conceptual, and brought up a lot of good “frameworks” to understand what is going on, and also to help understand the classical liberal way of understanding disaster response. He had a very ‘economic’ talk, but really brought it down to a conceptual/philosophical/political level which is very understandible to non-economists.
Dan brought an interesting aspect of the situation when he highlighted the difference between facts and interpretation, illustrating this with the example of “looting” (which is an interpretation of “theft”). He stressed how that while the difference between facts and interpretation is not always cut and dry, it is an important distinction, because interpretations turn into the histories we write. And he also showed how interpretations which arise from the facts create mental models which subsequently reinforce the way we make subsequent interpretations. Dan also introduced a number of important concepts such “rules of the game” and also a three-legged stool (political, social, and economic) as representing the resilience of society.
Dan granted that the classical liberal response to disasters is imperfect, since there really is no silver bullet to emergencies. He presented it as having three I’s: Innovation, Information, and Incentives.
He talked about the Incentives operative in each actor in a disaster situation. For the politicians, the incentive is to get re-elected. So, the idea is consequently not so much doing the right thing, but rather being seen as doing the right thing. This was illustrated by the fact that George W. Bush was criticized for not appearing on the scene, while really his mere appearance on the scene would really not help the people there in any concrete way. For the residents, the main incentive is normalcy, to have things return to normal. For entrepreneurs, they want to resume business as normal. A main part of the talk of incentives was how bad policies mute incentives.
He then talked about Information, and how price conveys information and sends meaningful signals. He presented two basic models of how this works, either bottom-up (which encounters the challenge of nobody wanting to be the first to convey information after a disaster) or top-down (via government planning–where the government substitutes economic information with political information by putting up the details up to a vote). He then talked about the critical aspect of Innovation, which comes about by innovation + incentives
Connected to Dan’s talk were some great discussions of what place planning has, the problems with centralization, and what the government’s involvement in disaster planning/response should be. He really did a fine job of bringing out audience participation, both in asking questions and responding to questions.

David Beito’s Talk
David Beito is the author of a soon to be published autobiography of T.R.M. Howard, a doctor and black civil rights activist. David is a professor of history at the University of Alabama. He described how he became interested in and was led to write about this fascinating and yet generaly ignored early civil rights activist.
David spoke about Howard’s life, his roots being born in poverty and his involvement in the 7th Day Adventist movement, and his eventual involvement in various fraternal societies in Mississippi.
David focused quite a bit on fraternal societies as both important contextual information regarding Howard’s life, and also as a topic of interest due to their provision of material aid OUTSIDE of the welfare state. An underpinning concept of David’s talk, was how the tradition of mutual aid (outside of the welfare state) really paved the way for the civil rights movement.
Howard became the first chief surgeon at the Taborian hospital (a hospital founded by a fraternal organization). in Mount Bayou. Eventually, he became increasingly dissatisfied with this hospital, and founded a hospital across the street (Friendship Clinic). While some would think this would hurt the Taborian hospital, it actually seems like this move may have benefited both establishments.
Besides his involvement with the hospitals, Howard was a really motivated entrepreneur, leading him to start many ventures. A major emphasis of David’s talk was how entrepreneurship played a key role in the civil rights movement in Mississippi. He commented on how the role of the Black Church is often over-emphasized (though it was very prominent in Alabama) and the role of entrepreneurship in black civil rights is often neglected or disregarded.
Howard was unique in many ways. He combined diplomatic skills and ability to charm even his enemies, with a marked militancy. Since he was marked out by the Klu Klux Klan he often travelled armed to the teeth. Incidentally, David commented on how early gun controls were mainly targeted towards blacks, and Howard had to frequently pay fines for carrying weapons. He led a successful campaign to boycott gas stations that didn’t provide washrooms for blacks and he also gathered together impressive rallies of 10,000 in small towns of perhaps 1,000 inhabitants. He was well known for his advocacy in the Emma Till murder case and also his confrontation with the director of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover.
David also covered many of Howard eccentricities, the way he was rather ostentatious for a member of a minority group and how he was a game hunter, and how he confronted some of the earliest endangered species acts. And as any good biographer does, David outlined how Howard’s legacy was by no means without considerable controversy. Of particular controversy is how Howard performed illegal abortions (often for white woman) in his clinics, causing many people in the black civil rights movement to distance themselves from him.

John Murray’s Talk
The last talk was by John Murray, who is a professor of economics in Toledo (no.. he’s not John Murray the reformed theologian risen from the dead!). He spoke of comparing health insurance models from an economic perspective, as opposed to the way it has been presented in historical literature.
John started by sharing how the conventional wisdom is that the American system is broken and the other systems have worked. However, he proposed that instead of taking that approach, we should understand why the American system is unique and why it developed the way it did. He talked about the difference between “Sickness Insurance” and “Health Insurance”, and how these terminologies have become political.
I must say that I had the hardest time following John’s presentation, as relevant and important as the topic is, just because it was steeped in a more academic economic approach. He made a very detailed historico-economic comparison of systems implemented in France, Germany, Britian and other European countries and contrasted them with the trends in the U.S., specifically focusing on “Mutual Benefit Funds”.
John explained “Mutual Benefit Funds” as small private associations that are alternatives to dependence on the State. He showed how this concept is NOT unique to the U.S., and how it has also been implemented in the form of “micro insurance” in West Africa.
John put forward the issue of whether the insurance was compulsary or voluntary as the key question and also the main focal point of his comparative studies. He also drew attention to te issue of who pay sfor it? Whether the workers, which can involve direct or indirect payment, or whether te employer, or the State (which of course trickles down to the workers indirectly). He also spoke of some “non-member” payments systems. Which included deriving the funds by putting on various forms of “entertainment” as well as a “honorary member” model. The “Honorary Member” model involved a sort of civic minded bourguise which contributed into the funds while opting out of benefits. This system became problematic, because even though these honorary members opted out of benefits, they did have “expectations” in return.
John talked about the role of “informal asymmetries”, such as “moral hazard” (the change of behavior because a person is covered by insurance) and “adverse selection (how people who need insurance are more likely to sign up for it–voluntary funds tend to attract older, sicker workers). He also talked quite a bit about how compulsary funds resulted in increasing paid absences, while voluntary funds resulted in declining paid absences.
According to historical literature, the U.S. turned out different than other systems because either: 1. Various actors (doctors, employers, insurance companies) opposed government health care. 2. It was known that there was too much corruption in government for them to handle such a large fund. 3. Too much democracy was present, and the whole progression of health insurance was held up by the process of democracy. John then made a number of comments on these, and showed ow each assumption is not really satisfactory.
John brought out an interesting point when he highlighted how the progressives who were pushing reforms had a very negative view of the working class. He also showed how the mutual health funds were actually popular, and the progressives reforms were normally opposed by the majority of the working class, there was never really wide-spread working class interest in government insurance. He also made the point that while the progressive’s vision of health insurance may have delivered slightly more benefits, it was also far more costly than the American system of mutal health funds, requiring far more to be deducted off paychecks. Ultimately, the mutal health fund system was a more efficient use of the workers money, which is really the best explanation of why the American system turned out the way it did.
I don’t know how well I covered this particular talk since it sort of lost me at a few points, but I think I’ve covered some of the main themes in a descent amount of detail. I must confess I got sort of tired during this topic, though I know the economic-history buffs in the room were just drooling!
Concluding Remarks
Now that I’ve given the wraps on the topics, I’d like to mention that I got another signed book by a great Canadian philosopher, Jan Narveson: “Respecting Persons in Theory and Practice”. He’s a retired professor of philosophy from the University of Waterloo, and apparently he’s Canada’s most published philosopher. Another highlight was the short chat a friend and I was able to have with him. It sort of got cut off by a presentation, and unfortunately we never got to continue it!
The seminar cost $20, which includes cofee/tea and a pretty good lunch! These events are well worth attending, if you can show up next time they put it on! It will be sure to challenge and inform you. Even if you don’t agree with everything, you will find that these events have topics that are well-thought-out with very intelligent speakers. And the organizers really want to get the attendees involved with break-out sessions and what not as well, giving you a chance to chime in.

